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Trump Tried To Protect Qualcomm And Its 5G Dominance, Now His Trade War Is Making It Lose Ground



.css-cumn2rheight:1em;width:1.5em;margin-right:3px;vertical-align:baseline;fill:#C70000;China has emphasised many times that the concept of national security should not be abused, and that it should not be used as a tool for trade protectionism.




Trump Tried To Protect Qualcomm. Now His Trade War May Be Hurting It




Assuming that this compromise text is approved by the European Parliament, legislatures and courts in Member States will no doubt take different approaches to effectuate this language. Although the final compromise text is somewhat weaker than the protections that U.S. practitioners typically see in trade secrets litigation, on balance the compromise language provides a reasonable baseline for protection of trade secrets during litigation that is probably more than sufficient for most disputes.


The neoclassical economic model suggests the desirability of free trade over protectionism because free trade lowers prices, allows a flow of goods with little restrictions and improves the quality of products, resulting in overall welfare gain.2 On the other hand, protectionism results in welfare losses, increased prices and a decline in innovation, thus harming consumers and economic efficiency.3


Competition law enforcement is suspected as one of the forms of this murky protectionism. There are two ways (among others) considered in this article in which States can utilise competition law to impair free trade and restrict access of foreign firms to domestic market. First is the exemption under national competition law such as export cartel exemptions; second is the strategic application of domestic competition law, e.g. alleged discriminatory and selective enforcement of merger regulation.8


Based on the political and economic dimensions involved in the interplay of competition law and trade policy, particularly protectionism, it is the position of this article that realist theory, along with an IPE perspective, is relevant in understanding why nation States use competition law as a protectionist bid in their trade policy.


The article is structured into five broad sections; this section, Section 1 is the general introduction and set out the method, including the theoretical approach used in the article. Section 2 provides a brief conceptual understanding of the relevant concepts in the article which have divergent conceptual interpretations within academic literature. Section 3 discusses the relationship between competition law and other issues areas such as trade policy, protectionism and others. Section 4 analyses competition law and protectionism in the two case studies, EU and US, by using specific competition law instruments: (i) merger regulation and (ii) treatment of export cartels to investigate and analyse how they are used for protectionism, including a brief comparative analysis. Finally, Section 5 summarises and concludes the article.


Competition, in its broad economic sense, is the process whereby firms struggle to win against each other. Competition law, also known as antitrust in the United States, refers to the legal rules and standards which aim to protect the process of competition by dealing with market imperfections and restoring desirable competitive conditions in the market.27 Competition policy, on the other hand, is broader than competition law and covers the full range of government measures that could promote competitive market structures and behaviour, including trade liberalisation measures.28 Views on the necessity of the enactment of competition law to implement competition policy remain divided.29 The neo-classical economics case for competition argues competition provides various benefits such as lower prices, efficiency, and innovation.30 There is no consensus on the goals of competition law. Some scholars suggest that competition law is akin to a sponge or that it is a fluid concept influenced by varying objectives, policies, culture; hence, the goals vary based on each enacting jurisdiction.31 On the other hand, one of the prominent scholars of the Chicago school of competition analysis suggests that the ultimate goal of competition law is economic efficiency, which is equated to consumer welfare maximisation.32 Nonetheless, the most commonly declared goal of competition law is to protect and encourage competition to achieve the optimal resource allocation and maximise consumer welfare.33


The tariff is the classic instrument of trade policy.68 Tariffs are imposed to generate revenue but also, more importantly, to protect the domestic industry of the imposing country.69 However, with increasing trade liberalisation, most states covertly seek to protect domestic sectors through other instruments of trade policy such as non-tariff measures.70 Non-tariff measures include quotas, licences, technical barriers to trade, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, export restrictions, custom surcharges, financial measures and anti-dumping measures.71 Whilst non-tariff measures may intrinsically be protectionist, they seem useful in addressing failures in the market such as externalities and the asymmetry of information between producers and consumers.72


Academic literature provides conflicting arguments regarding protectionism. Economic theory under the classic utility model establishes that any benefit that may result from protectionism is outweighed by its costs in terms of losses to consumer welfare and decline of economic growth.87 Another argument against protectionism is the moral argument which provides that protectionism is akin to stealing, i.e. producers and rent-seeking individuals induce the government to pursue their interests and benefit at the expense of consumers, in effect taking away what is due.88 On the other hand, the most notable arguments in favour of protectionism are national defence, infant industry and strategic trade theory.89


The lack of consensus on the nexus of competition and trade policy creates a gap which is exploited in order to pursue various motives such as promoting industrial policy, protectionism or nationalism.


One area of competition law that has always been suspected as an instrument of protectionism is merger regulation; the failed merger of Siemens-Alstom is a good case in point. Merger regulation is one of the pillars of competition policy aimed at preserving market competition in the event of business combinations and takeovers.126 However, preservation of competition is not the only rationale for the enforcement of merger regulations; national security, businesses perceived to be of national strategic importance, technological capabilities, jobs and export also influence merger control enforcement.127 Thus, the protectionism hypothesis posits that merger regulation is used as a tool to protect domestic firms from competition.128 In addition to protection of domestic firms, which is often associated with the infant industry argument, States are also suspected of using merger regulations to promote its national champions on the premise of strategic trade theory. In the context of merger control, the notion of a national champion generally means that the government encourages or does not prevent a merger between two domestic firms to create a more powerful entity, or it opposes the acquisition of one of the domestic firms by a foreign company.129


Export cartel exemptions are instruments of competition policy for trade policy ends.139 By tolerating, if not supporting, anticompetitive conduct just because it does not affect the domestic market, exporting states in effect assist or condone the harm caused to the importing states.140 Hence, export cartel exemptions are perceived as tools for protectionism in this context of the beggar-thy-neighbour approach.


According to Dabbah, there are two ways in which States can utilise competition law to impair free trade and restrict access of foreign firms to domestic markets. One is the exemption under national competition law, and the other is the strategic application of domestic competition law.199 For example, the export cartel exemption by the EU and the US illustrates the first exemption, while alleged discriminatory and selective enforcement of merger regulation by the EU and the US fit the second mode. In this context, both the EU and the US seem to be guilty of using competition law as tools for protectionism.


It is suggested that concerns regarding the link between competition policy and trade policy have been around since the pre-GATT period. There have also been attempts to integrate the competition policy with the WTO framework. Nonetheless, studies linking competition law and protectionism remained scant. While the protectionist tendencies of EU merger regulation enforcement have been explored empirically, little or nothing has been found in the US context. Furthermore, studies that relate export cartels to protectionism are mainly based on theoretical assumptions given the lack of empirical data to establish the economic effects of export cartels.


The analysis section discusses the link between merger regulation, export cartels and protectionism in the EU and the US perspectives as well as a comparative analysis between the two. The article finds a few similarities between the EU and US perspectives on competition law and trade policy nexus. First, both adhere to trade liberalisation goals, at least based on the text of their competition law and the foundations of both merger regulation and export cartel exemptions. Second, there is lack of direct evidence for both the EU and the US to establish the use of merger regulation for protectionist ends through discriminatory merger regulation enforcement; however, there is certainty of the political element in decision-making. Third, both grant wide discretion to competition authority, which opens opportunities for lobbying and promotion of special interests or other non-competition goals. Fourth, both exempt export cartels, which theoretically amounts to mercantilism. However, the EU and the US have diverging trade policies and aims for competition law. The US is consumer-welfare centred whereas the EU ensures undistorted competition in the internal market. The US under the Trump administration openly pursued protectionist policies while the EU is on the lookout for protectionist tendencies of its Member States. 2ff7e9595c


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